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9/11 Without Tinfoil 1: The Coup
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Fintan
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 17, 2006 12:18 pm    Post subject: The Baker Boys Reply with quote



The Baker Boys

Just a footnote to the issue I raised in this audio about George H.W. Bush Snr.
being the well-hidden, real Power in the USA....

GW Junior, The Neocons and the U.S. Military/Homeland Security fight the
propaganda war in the media, while the Baker Boys 'n Girls in the
Iraq Study Group keep their fingers in the pie for the US Establishment.

What the Washington Post coyly refers to as "foreign policy elites", are
this crew --who call the shots from behind the scenes.

Check out the composition of the Iraq Study Group.....

Quote:
Called From Diplomatic Reserve
Former Secretary of State Leads Attempt to Salvage Iraq Mission


By Michael Abramowitz - Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, September 17, 2006; Page A23

Is Jim Baker bailing out the Bushes once again?

The former secretary of state, James A. Baker III, a confidant of President George H.W. Bush, visited Baghdad two weeks ago to take a look at the vexing political and military situation. He was there as co-chairman of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, put together by top think tanks at the behest of Congress to come up with ideas about the way forward in Iraq.

The group has attracted little attention beyond foreign policy elites since its formation this year. But it is widely viewed within that small world as perhaps the last hope for a midcourse correction in a venture they generally agree has been a disaster.

The reason, by and large, is the involvement of Baker, 76, the legendary troubleshooter who remains close to the first President Bush and cordial with the second. Many policy experts think that if anyone can forge bipartisan consensus on a plan for extricating the United States from Iraq -- and then successfully pitch that plan to a president who has so far seemed impervious to outside pressure -- it is the man who put together the first Gulf War coalition, which evicted Saddam Hussein from Kuwait in 1991.

Rep. Frank R. Wolf (R-Va.), who came up with the idea for the study group and pushed for its formation, said he thinks the administration is "waiting anxiously" for the group's recommendations. He cited the "impeccable credentials" of the 10-member group, which also includes former Supreme Court justice Sandra Day O'Connor, former New York mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani, investment banker and Bill Clinton adviser Vernon E. Jordan Jr., and former White House chief of staff Leon E. Panetta. The other co-chairman is the Democratic former Indiana congressman Lee H. Hamilton, who also co-chaired the commission that investigated the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks.

"Their recommendations will carry a lot of weight," said Wolf. "If they come up with a unanimous opinion, the administration, Congress and the American people will have to listen."

Baker is not revealing much of his hand. He has indicated that recommendations will not be forthcoming until after the November elections, in an effort to keep the group above the political fray. He has also asked those involved in the study group -- members and staffers alike -- not to talk to the media, so most of those interviewed for this article spoke only on the condition of anonymity. Baker's assistant said the co-chairman would not be available to be interviewed.

Baker has offered some hints of his thinking -- and his dismay with the way the Iraq occupation has been handled by the administration.

"The difficulty of winning the peace was severely underestimated," Baker wrote in a recent memoir, citing "costly mistakes" by the Pentagon. These included, he wrote, disbanding the Iraqi army, not securing weapons depots and "perhaps never having committed enough troops to successfully pacify the country."

But in an interview in the current issue of Texas Monthly, Baker dashed the idea of "just picking up and pulling out" of Iraq. "Even though it's something we need to find a way out of, the worst thing in the world we could do would be to pick up our marbles and go home," he said, "because then we will trigger, without a doubt, a huge civil war. And every one of the regional actors -- the Iranians and everybody else -- will come in and do their thing."

The study group appears to be struggling to find some middle ground between such a pullout and the administration's strategy of keeping a heavy American troop presence until the Iraqi government can maintain security on its own.

"If this war is consumed by partisan attacks, if the choice is presented as simply one between 'stay the course' or 'cut and run,' we will never be able to do what is right," panel member Panetta wrote following the group's trip to Iraq in an article for his hometown paper, the Monterey County Herald in California.

Baker and panel members have been exploring different ideas, such as a greater degree of regional autonomy for Kurdish, Sunni and Shiite regions. But those familiar with the group's work said there is far from a consensus yet on what to do. One well-placed source said panel members came away from their trip sobered, with "a sense that we can't continue to do what we have been doing," adding that Baker was not simply looking to protect the administration.

"I think he basically wants to call it the way he sees it," said this source, a critic of the administration's approach to Iraq. "He's also been frustrated by the mistakes that have been made. In many ways, it has damaged the legacy he established as secretary of state."

Some are skeptical that the president will be open to advice seeming to come from one of his father's top advisers. In some ways, Bush has distanced himself from the people and policies of the first Bush administration -- though Baker has been called on occasion to perform sensitive missions, such as heading the Bush campaign's efforts in the 2000 Florida recount and leading negotiations to provide debt relief to Iraq.

The administration's more hawkish supporters, meanwhile, are nervous about Baker's involvement, counting him as one of the "realist" foreign policy proponents they see as having allowed threats against the United States to grow in the '80s and '90s. Gary J. Schmitt of the American Enterprise Institute voiced concern that the Iraq group was not listening to those advocating a more muscular military strategy to defeat the insurgency.

But Schmitt added: "People can worry about what Baker is going to say, but the president has a way of doing what he is going to do. There could be a lot of wishful thinking on the part of the older Bush crowd that the son got into trouble and now he's going to listen to Baker the strategist."

Publicly, the administration is supportive, though inside the foreign policy apparatus there appears to be skepticism that the Iraq Study Group will come up with any breakthroughs. At first, the administration was divided about whether to cooperate with the panel. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice gave her support only after being assured by officials with the federally funded U.S. Institute of Peace, under whose aegis the group was formed, and other think tanks involved in the project that the venture would be a forward-looking exercise and not an examination of past mistakes, according to people familiar with the project.

Baker himself secured the personal approval of President Bush before signing on. "As I always do," Baker told Texas Monthly, "I said . . . I want him to look me in the eye and tell me he wants me to do this."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/16/AR2006091600636.html
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Rumpl4skn



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PostPosted: Sun Sep 17, 2006 12:33 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

I love the phrase "look me in the eye..."

Any chance that eye has a pyramid under it?

Most Americans are not even aware that James Baker was the legal entity that argued against the 9/11 families for the formation of the 9/11 Commission.

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indigitydogdignation



Joined: 05 Jun 2006
Posts: 313

PostPosted: Sun Sep 17, 2006 10:42 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

The CD cover might be one of many 9-11/post9-11 intimidation tricks the public won't easily recognize, even when properly explained as in the audio.
On the other hand, if the opaqueness of too much technical stuff leaves the 'uninitiated' feeling diffident and uninspired, imagine how they'll feel when the first report they hear from a 9-11 truth source is an analysis of an album cover. As reactionary and flip as most MSM folks are, can you honestly expect to hear anything more from them than ".....is that all you've got?"
Of course that's not a question so much as a dismissal.

Your analysis works for me, Fintan. I just think you should lead with something that works for most everyone. The 9-11 truth movement might be fractured and immobilized, but our enormous size is largely due to the success of more basic starters, like the collapse of WTC7 - notwithstanding Silversteen's "pull it," which embarrasses nearly everyone who flames over it. Even if Peter Lance is right in saying WTC7 might have been pre-wired for the same reasons many U.S. embassies are, the FEMA investigation into the collapse did more harm to the official story than anything else, either in testimony or in writing. The early fire prognosis followed by 'we don't know,' are powerful tid bits, guaranteed to get people looking in the right directions.
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dilbert_g
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PostPosted: Tue Sep 19, 2006 2:56 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

I think that the TESTIMONY in COURT and TAPES showing that the FBI (Anticev) orchestrated the WTC 1993, while the decision was that the FBI was "overzealous". The level of documentation on that requires thinking beyond the "final decision" of the court and prosecutors (incl Fitzgerald and Ben-Veniste and Chertoff), but it's not a big leap. 2 + 2 = 4 google "Emad Ali Salem"

It's UNBELIEVABLE that every American does not know about this controversial (but fairly straightforward) information, since it's based on official transcripts. (That's a type of PSYOP, invisible news.)

(Google Chertoff and Elamir too, more court documentation, not rumor.)

Thanks for the John Judge talks.

Yah Rumpl. Baker argued against 9-11 families, and for COVERUP for the SAUDIS. (dig, he was their lawyer, but nevertheless, he didn't just 'win the case', he buried the bodies in 'diplomatic immunity', obviously he was covering up for American connections).

I have a page on Baker. You have to know that it was Baker who set up early Bush oil gigs, including with Saudis and Binladen, and I think Baker was with the infamous H.L. Hunt oil baron and US fascist. Baker's daddy was a robber baron too. Baker also set up Zapata Petroleum for Bush Sr., widely believed to be a base for Operation 40 squad to kill Castro ... JFK.

Operation 40 is widely believed --- due to this stuff called evidence and eyewitness testimony of Marita Lorenz, Mata Hari to lure Castro to his death --- to have been the main group in charge of killing JFK ... Frank Sturgis, E. Howard Hunt, George H.W. Bush. (For the uninitiated, I have that on my website too -- including a memo signed by Hoover and article or photocopy of a LOAN the USG made to "Russian defector" Oswald.) http://www.Takeoverworld.info/

Also, a friend just told me that on slow afternoons, he and his colleagues would actually watch the Watergate hearings. One question came up: Where was Op 40 on Nov 22, 1963? Dallas, TX. STOP. Closed Session. Never heard again.

Here's some psychological warfare for you: THEY PREACH AGAINST conspiratorial UNIONS and against COLLECTIVISM in general, to the point that after BILLIONS of dollars in "education", people blame unions (and Mexicans) for everything, while THEY COLLECTIVELY ORGANIZE UNDERGROUND NETWORKS LIKE CRAZY.

Understanding the clear political dynasty from the 1933 Coup attempt by Bankers, Wall Street, Nazis, Dulles, P. daddy Bush, George Sr., Nixon (w/ McCarthy, P. Bush protege, covered up for Nazis), Ford (Warren Comm), Carter (pawn of Brzezinski), Reagan, Bush, Clinton (Bush's narco-partner, tied to Bush via Barry Seal), ...

the video JFK 2 www.jfkii.com reveals MUCH of the story
on 911.freelancepartnership.com (no www) watch the German Bund in New York, and the part with John Buchanan
Swastika and Other Symbols
Prescott Bush and the Nazis

then look up McCormack-Dickstein

This historical track explains it all, or most of it, IMO.
Now, Dave Emory fills in the blanks:
THE NAZIS ARE ALIVE AND WELL, they RUN the REPUBLICAN PARTY and "heavily influence" the Democrats, I imagine by the "carrot or stick"
(i'm planning to upload "Who Makes the Nazis" by The Fall)
http://www.spitfirelist.com/Books/INTRODUCTION.html

Quote:
Its a good thing we didnt lose World War II. If we had, all our public officials would be named Shultz, Weinberger and Kissinger, and everybody would be driving German and Japanese cars. Popular joke that made the rounds in the early 1980s.

CBS radio and television journalist Edward R. Murrow ... Paul Manning was arguably the greatest of Murrows Boysthe group of skilled journalists Murrow ran in Europe during World War II.

After the war, Manning undertook an investigation of Hitlers Deputy, Martin Bormann, and the postwar capital network he ran.

The German threat to either remain neutral during the Cold War, or to ally with the USSR was a significant factor in persuading conservative American power brokers to go along with the return to power in Germany of the Nazi elements that prosecuted World War II. Under the circumstances, some of these conservatives felt that permitting Nazi elements to return to power behind a democratic faade was the lesser of two evils, although many would have preferred a more traditionally conservative German political establishment.

A decisively powerful network of corporate entities run by hardened SS veterans, the Bormann group constitutes what one veteran banker termed the greatest concentration of money power under a single control in history. The foundation of the organizations clout is moneylots and lots of money. Controlling German big business and, through investments, much of the rest of the worlds economy, the organization was the repository for the stolen wealth of Europe, estimated by British intelligence to have totaled more than $180 billion by the end of 1943

This organization literally constitutes a postwar Underground Reich with a governing hierarchy composed of the sons and daughters of SS men, holding military ranks and titles from the Third Reich.

Schacht re-structured the German economy with an eye toamong other thingsdriving the citizenry to such a point of hysteria that they would willingly follow the likes of Hitler.


Fintan, I think a few more of these facts might have fleshed this out a little clearer than just the Coup cover itself, which seems a little woo-woo compared to Federal Court documents (or reports thereof).
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Nat



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PostPosted: Sat Sep 23, 2006 8:46 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

great edition Fintan, sending a copy of this and some Break For News highlights to me Ma and sisters
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Fintan
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PostPosted: Sun Sep 24, 2006 4:59 pm    Post subject: In Your Face Reply with quote

With regards to the Coup 'Party Music' cover, I'm not analysing the cover.

This is not like poking through the cover of 'Sgt. Peppers' looking for 'clues'.
Or folding the dollar bill to make the appearance of the twin towers.

You don't need to analyse the cover.
Its content is right there --in your face!



1) The word Coup.
2) The Twin Towers with explosions exactly matching the actual strikes!
3) The words 'Covert Labs' on the trigger device!

That's it.
Cover analysis done.

The real analysis is the analysis of the Psychological Warfare
impact of such a photo --widely published at the time of 9/11.
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elfis



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PostPosted: Mon Sep 25, 2006 10:41 am    Post subject: Reply with quote

Pick a Bigger Weapon
By Zoneil Maharaj, Pop and Politics. Posted March 22, 2006.

Interview: Politically-minded emcee, Boots Riley, from the Coup talks about why he became an activist, BET today, and his new album.

When conscious and political hip-hop had risen to its zenith in 1993, the radical anti-capitalist hip-hop group The Coup, led by politically-minded emcee and producer Boots Riley, released their first album, "Kill My Landlord." The video for the Oakland, California-based group's first single, "Not Yet Free," was on regular rotation on BET's Rap City and Yo! MTV Raps.

When the genre of politically conscious hip-hop was removed from the mainstream spotlight soon after, Boots and DJ Pam the Funktress remained active, receiving acclaim and praise for their follow-up albums. Their last ablum, "Party Music," was named the best rap album of 2001 by Rolling Stone and best album of 2001 by the Washington Post.

Now signed to Epitaph and armed with a better record deal, the Coup is ready to make another killing with their upcoming release, "Pick A Bigger Weapon." PopandPolitics.com caught up with Riley, a former youth activist, at his home in west Oakland to rap about politics, hip-hop, and the new album.

PopandPolitics.com: What motivated you to become an activist and what motivated you to pick up the mic?

Boots: Everyone wants to connect to the universe. I found that to really be part of it all, to really connect to the universe is to help to change it as opposed to just being there watching everything go past me. I think once I started organizing when I was 15, I realized that this is why I wanted to get involved. This is what I wanted to do. I wanted to feel like my time here is significant.

PandP: On "Laugh/Love/Fuck," (a song from the upcoming album "Pick a Bigger Weapon") you say on the chorus that you're here to, "Make the revolution come quicker." How do you plan on doing that through your music?

Boots: Hopefully, my music can be used by organizers as something to inspire themselves and others to keep doing the work they're doing. Also, there are messages that can be rallying cries to rally more people to the cause of what they're doing. I think music in and of itself serves as a cultural point of reference. People can hear an idea, a theme, and some music and know that everyone else that is listening to this music is relating to that theme or idea or goal in some way -- so it can help and create a unity of thought in some way, shape, or form. Hopefully my music can be used that way.

PandP: The new album's heavy on funk. How does The Coup's sound fit in with the current Bay Area scene, juxtaposed with the hyphy culture that's going on?

Boots: We've always been very funky in our music. And what's coming out is a variation of that funk that's been in the Bay Area for a long time. So we're right there in the middle of it. Our bass has always been low. Our stuff has always been crazy. My rhyme patterns have always been unorthodox. I think some of what people call "hyphy" music is mainly drums with few instruments. There are a few hits that are out that sound like that, and people call it hyphy. People think of Mac Dre's music as hyphy and his stuff is very much bassline, keys, guitars, everything. It's the same sound. And our music is part of that sound that's always been there. The hyphy thing is more of an attitude than a sound change.

PandP: How did the industry react to the original cover art for "Party Music?" [The original artwork, completed three months prior to 9/11, depicted the twin towers blowing up and was slated to hit shelves around the same time.] What was your personal reaction when 9/11 happened?

Boots: I heard about it [9/11] on the radio and I didn't make a connection to the cover really, because planes slammed into the World Trade Center and I didn't picture it looking similar. On the album I have a bass tuner and Pam [the Funktress] has conductor's wands. It's supposed to make the statement that our music is destroying capitalism. I was fine with pulling the cover. My music talks about masses of people coming together to affect change. The album cover was only a metaphorical piece of art that talked about what we wanted our ideas to do I was fine with pulling it so that people didn't mistake what I was talking about.

At the same time, it had gotten so much publicity. Many entertainers at that time that had anything political about them were scared of getting shut out of the industry. I had publicists that were like, "I can't work on your album anymore 'cause I won't have a career after that." I used it as an opportunity to speak out at the time against bombing Afghanistan. The main controversy I got was not for the album cover, but for the statement that came out afterward that stated the U.S. had created worse atrocities all over the world, and what the flag stood for, to me, was slavery and oppression. That's what got all the right-wing writers up in arms.

PandP: Your new album's coming out on Epitaph, what used to be a predominantly punk label. Why is a punk label enlisting more conscious hip-hop?

Boots: As you see from marketing, the same people that buy Jay-Z buy Linkin Park. The same people that buy David Banner buy Evanescence. It's the same people buying all of this stuff. Record labels see that. A lot of the punk audience listens to "underground" hip-hop. Also, Epitaph is known for taking groups that sell 100,000 to 150,000 copies each time out and tripling, if not quadrupling and quintupling their sales. They have groups that they have taken from 50,000 sales to 700,000 when they join them.

PandP: I remember watching your videos in the early 90s. Your videos used to get played on BET, but they don't play any of your recent videos.

Boots: BET's Rap City used to be a format in which, if you could show you had a good quality video and song and you had national distribution, you had a good chance of being able to get played on Rap City. It's not like that anymore. You have to show that you're getting regular rotation spins on the radio.

PandP: Is your audience generally comprised of an alternative crowd? You were featured in Bakari Kitwana's article "The Cotton Club: Black-conscious hip-hop deals with an overwhelmingly white live audience" in the Village Voice.

Boots: My live audience is the same as most hip-hop audiences, which has to do with the fact that black people are kept away from shows. Even here, the KMEL crowd [a popular mainstream urban radio station in the San Francisco Bay Area], it's not mainly black when you go to their shows, it's mainly a white audience. A lot of that has to do with how shows are promoted. That doesn't mean that the crowd that listens to this music doesn't have more black people listening to it, it has to do with how promoters are encouraged to keep black people away, everything from ticket pricing to where flyers are passed out to where events are held.

What I was talking about [in the article] is that hip-hop is being gentrified by the police and by the industry, which is quite a different angle than what he [Kitwana] took. What he tried to say was that black people don't listen to any music that's political anymore, which is not the case. He tried to make it seem like 50 Cent and Eminem have a greater percentage of black fans, and we know that's not true. If you get anywhere close to platinum or gold, most of your fans, 90 percent of them are white. My point is not that a lot of my fans aren't white. Many, if not most of my fans, are white -- but that is the same for Master P, that's the same for Jay-Z, that's the same for all of hip-hop.

Hip-hop in general, when black folks get together, the police don't like it. A fight that happens when there's a black crowd turns out the whole show, the police shut it down. But a fight that happens when there's a white crowd, those fighters get pulled outside and the show goes on. You don't hear about it because the show didn't get cancelled The other thing is, police can decide based on no obvious criteria at all, to okay the permit for your event and that really just depends on who they deem the crowd is going to be.

Yeah, most of my audience is white. Most of the people that buy Nikes are white, most of the people that buy FUBU are white, most of the people that watch Dave Chappelle are white. We live in the United States and the people that have the money to buy these things are going to be white. My music is about the working class defeating the ruling class, and in the working class, there are people of all shades.

PandP: Why the title "Pick a Bigger Weapon"?

Boots: It means "up the ante." And the reason I used "Pick a Bigger Weapon" is because I think that we're all fighting the system whether we feel like we're in the struggle or not, and that fight takes the form of struggling to pay the rent, trying to keep the lights on, things like that. Those are the struggles we all should be engaged in collectively. It's about taking our daily struggles and collectivizing them and it would be a stronger blow to the system.

Also, my girlfriend and I were having dinner with poet Jessica Care Moore and my girlfriend was on her third or fourth martini and Jessica was like, "C'mon girl, pick a bigger weapon." That's symbolic of people looking for ways to make their lives better and right now we've been taught to overlook actually fighting the system together to make our life better.

"Pick A Bigger Weapon" drops on April 25, 2006. Boots is also currently working on the "Instigators" album with political hip-hop group Dead Prez.

Zoneil Maharaj is not as old as he looks and not as young as he acts. He is a student at San Francisco State University.

http://www.alternet.org/wiretap/33867
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Jerry Fletcher



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PostPosted: Mon Sep 25, 2006 1:12 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Great interview, Elfis. Thanks.

Quote:
Yeah, most of my audience is white. Most of the people that buy Nikes are white, most of the people that buy FUBU are white, most of the people that watch Dave Chappelle are white. We live in the United States and the people that have the money to buy these things are going to be white. My music is about the working class defeating the ruling class, and in the working class, there are people of all shades.


Yeah, but you just said the 'working class' people of all shades can't afford your records...

So, you're making 'working class' music for a white, 'ruling class' audience who think it's dope to accessorize with anti-establishment hip hop?

That ain't so classy.

Either that, or your mostly white audience is so confused they don't know who the hell they are, or what the hell they're buying - or why.
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elbowdeep



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PostPosted: Mon Sep 25, 2006 2:08 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Quote:
Their last ablum, "Party Music," was named the best rap album of 2001 by Rolling Stone and best album of 2001 by the Washington Post.


:roll:

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Continuity



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PostPosted: Mon Sep 25, 2006 2:13 pm    Post subject: Reply with quote

Rolling Stone and the WashPo? Yo - like s'totally, like 'rad', h0m3y, b1atch, man, d00d, whatever.... Smile
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Fintan
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PostPosted: Wed Sep 27, 2006 7:00 pm    Post subject: REAGAN AIDES AND THE 'SECRET' GOVERNMENT Reply with quote



Oliver North, Jeffrey Mayer, Dr. Jeane Kirkpatrick, and James Woolsey,
former director of the Central Intelligence Agency from 1993-1995.


This article from 1987 gives a great overview of the mechanism through
which a large part of the U.S. Government decision-making apparatus was
outsourced to the "private sector".

The start of the slippery slope, so to speak.....

Quote:


REAGAN AIDES AND THE 'SECRET' GOVERNMENT

Front Page Miami Herald: July 5, 1987

by ALFONSO CHARDY, HERALD WASHINGTON BUREAU

WASHINGTON -- Some of President Reagan's top advisers have operated a virtual parallel government outside the traditional Cabinet departments and agencies almost from the day Reagan took office, congressional investigators and administration officials have concluded.

Investigators believe that the advisers' activities extended well beyond the secret arms sales to Iran and aid to the contras now under investigation.

Lt. Col. Oliver North, for example, helped draw up a controversial plan to suspend the Constitution in the event of a national crisis, such as nuclear war, violent and widespread internal dissent or national opposition to a U.S. military invasion abroad.

When the attorney general at the time, William French Smith, learned of the proposal, he protested in writing to North's boss, then-national security adviser Robert McFarlane.

The advisers conducted their activities through secret contacts throughout the government with persons who acted at their direction but did not officially report to them.

The activities of those contacts were coordinated by the National Security Council, the officials and investigators said.

There appears to have been no formal directive for the advisers' activities, which knowledgeable sources described as a parallel government.

In a secret assessment of the activities, the lead counsel for the Senate Iran-contra committee called it a "secret government-within-a-government."

The arrangement permitted Reagan administration officials to claim that they were not involved in controversial or illegal activities, the officials said.

"It was the ultimate plausible deniability," said a well-briefed official who has served the Reagan administration since 1982 and who often collaborated on covert assistance to the Nicaraguan contras.

The roles of top-level officials and of Reagan himself are still not clear. But that is expected to be a primary topic when North appears before the Iran-contra committees beginning Tuesday. Special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh also is believed to be trying to prove in his investigation of the Iran-contra affair that government officials engaged in a criminal conspiracy.

ADVISERS FORMED SHADOW GOVERNMENT, PROBERS SAY

Much of the time, Cabinet secretaries and their aides were unaware of the advisers' activities. When they periodically detected operations, they complained or tried to derail them, interviews show.

But no one ever questioned the activities in a broad way, possibly out of a belief that the advisers were operating with presidential sanction, officials said.

Reagan did know of or approve at least some of the actions of the secret group, according to previous accounts by aides, friends and high-ranking foreign officials.

One such case is the 1985 visit to Libya by William Wilson, then-U.S. ambassador to the Vatican and a close Reagan friend, to meet with Libyan leader Col. Moammar Gadhafi, officials said last week. Secretary of State George Shultz rebuked Wilson, but the officials said Reagan knew of the trip in advance.

The heart of the secret structure from 1983 to 1986 was North's office in the Old Executive Office Building adjacent to the White House, investigators believe.

North's influence within the secret structure was so great, the sources said, that he was able to have the orbits of sophisticated surveillance satellites altered to follow Soviet ships around the world, call for the launching of high-flying spy aircraft on secret missions over Cuba and Nicaragua and become involved in sensitive domestic activities.

Many initiatives

Others in the structure included some of Reagan's closest friends and advisers, including former national security adviser William Clark, the late CIA Director William Casey and Attorney General Edwin Meese, officials and investigators said.

Congressional investigators said the Iran deal was just one of the group's initiatives. They say exposure of the unusual arrangement may be the legacy of their inquiry.

"After we establish that a policy decision was made at the highest levels to transfer responsibility for contra support to the NSC..., we favor examining how that decision was implemented," wrote Arthur Liman, chief counsel of the Senate committee, in a secret memorandum to panel leaders Sens. Daniel Inouye, D-Hawaii, and Warren Rudman, R- N.H., before hearings began May 5.

"This is the part of the story that reveals the whole secret government-within-a-government, operated from the [Executive Office Building] by a Lt. Col., with its own army, air force, diplomatic agents, intelligence operatives and appropriations capacity," Limon wrote in the memo, parts of which were shared with The Herald.

A spokesman for Liman declined comment but did not dispute the memo's existence.

A White House official rejected the notion that any of Reagan's advisers were operating secretly.

"The president has constantly expressed his foreign policy positions to the public and has consulted with the Congress," the official said.

Began in 1980

Congressional investigators and current and former officials interviewed -- members of the CIA, State Department and Pentagon -- said they still do not have a full record of the impact of the the advisers' activities.

But based on investigations and personal experience, they believe the secret governing arrangement traces its roots to the last weeks of Reagan's 1980 campaign.

Officials say the genesis may have been an October 1980 decision by Casey, Reagan's campaign manager and a former officer in the World War II precursor of the CIA, to create an October Surprise Group to monitor Jimmy Carter's feverish negotiations with Iran for the release of 52 American hostages.

The group, led by campaign foreign policy adviser Richard Allen, was founded out of concern Carter might pull off an "October surprise" such as a last-minute deal for the release of the hostages before the Nov. 4 election. One of the group's first acts was a meeting with a man claiming to represent Iran who offered to release the hostages to Reagan.

Allen -- Reagan's first national security adviser-- and another campaign aide, Laurence Silberman, told The Herald in April of the meeting. they said McFarlane, then a Senate Armed Services Committee aide, arranged and attended it. McFarlane later became Reagan's national security adviser and played a key role in the Iran-contra affair. Allen and Silberman said they rejected the offer to release the hostages to Reagan.

Briefing book theft

Congressional aides now link another well-known campaign incident -- the theft of confidential briefing materials from Carter's campaign before the Oct. 28, 1980, Carter-Reagan debate -- to the same group of advisers.

They believe that Casey obtained the briefing materials and passed them to James Baker, another top Reagan campaign aide, who was White House chief of staff in Reagan's first term.

Once Reagan was sworn in, the group moved quickly to set itself up, officials said. Within months, the advisers were clashing with officials in the traditional agencies.

Six weeks after Reagan was sworn in, apparently over State Department objections, then-CIA director Casey submitted a proposal to Reagan calling for covert support of anti-Sandinista groups that had fled Nicaragua after the 1979 revolution.

THE IRAN-CONTRA CONNECTION: NORTH HAD BIG ROLE IN INNER CIRCLE, INVESTIGATORS SAY

It is still unclear whether Casey cleared the plan with Reagan. But In November 1981 the CIA secretly flew an Argentine military leader, Gen. Leopoldo Galtieri, to Washington to devise a secret agreement under which Argentine military officers trained Nicaraguan rebels, according to an administration official familiar with the agreement.

About the same time, North completed his transfer to the NSC from the Marine Corps. Those who worked with North in 1981 remember his first assignments as routine, although not unimportant.

North, they recalled, was briefly assigned to carry the "football," the briefcase containing the secret contingency plans for fighting a nuclear war, which is taken everywhere the president goes. North later widened his assignment to cover national crisis contingency planning. In that capacity he became involved with the controversial national crisis plan drafted by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

NATIONAL CRISIS PLAN

From 1982 to 1984, North assisted FEMA, the U.S. government's chief national crisis-management unit, in revising contingency plans for dealing with nuclear war, insurrection or massive military mobilization.

North's involvement with FEMA set off the first major clash between the official government and the advisers and led to the formal letter of protest in 1984 from then- Attorney General Smith.

Smith was in Europe last week and could not be reached for comment.

But a government official familiar with North's collaboration with FEMA said then-Director Louis O. Guiffrida, a close friend of Meese's, mentioned North in meetings during that time as FEMA's NSC contact.

Guiffrida could not be reached for comment, but FEMA spokesman Bill McAda confirmed the relationship.

"Officials of FEMA met with Col. North during 1982 to 1984," McAda said. "These meetings were appropriate to Col. North's duties with the National Security Council and FEMA's responsibilities in certain areas of national security."

FEMA's clash with Smith occurred over a secret contingency plan that called for suspension of the Constitution, turning control of the United States over to FEMA, appointment of military commanders to run state and local governments and declaration of martial law during a national crisis.

The plan did not define national crisis, but it was understood to be nuclear war, violent and widespread internal dissent or national opposition against a military invasion abroad.

PLAN WAS PROTESTED

The official said the contingency plan was written as part of an executive order or legislative package that Reagan would sign and hold within the NSC until a severe crisis arose.

The martial law portions of the plan were outlined in a June 30, 1982, memo by Guiffrida's deputy for national preparedness programs, John Brinkerhoff. A copy of the memo was obtained by The Herald.

The scenario outlined in the Brinkerhoff memo resembled somewhat a paper Guiffrida had written in 1970 at the Army War College in Carlisle, Pa., in which he advocated martial law in case of a national uprising by black militants. The paper also advocated the roundup and transfer to "assembly centers or relocation camps" of at least 21 million "American Negroes."

When he saw the FEMA plans, Attorney General Smith became alarmed. He dispatched a letter to McFarlane Aug. 2, 1984 lodging his objections and urging a delay in signing the directive.

"I believe that the role assigned to the Federal Emergency Management Agency in the revised Executive Order exceeds its proper function as a coordinating agency for emergency preparedness," Smith said in the letter to McFarlane, which The Herald obtained. "This department and others have repeatedly raised serious policy and legal objections to the creation of an 'emergency czar' role for FEMA."

It is unclear whether the executive order was signed or whether it contained the martial law plans. Congressional sources familiar with national disaster procedures said they believe Reagan did sign an executive order in 1984 that revised national military mobilization measures to deal with civilians in case of nuclear war or other crisis.

ORCHESTRATED NEWS LEAKS

Around the time that issue was producing fireworks with the administration, McFarlane and Casey reassigned North from national crisis planning to international covert management of the contras. The transfer came after North took a personal interest, realizing that neither the State Department nor any other government agency wanted to handle the issue after it became clear early in 1984 that Congress was moving to bar official aid to the rebels.

The new assignment, plus North's natural organizational ability, creativity and the sheer energy he dedicated to the issue, gradually led to an expansion of his power and stature within the covert structure, officials and investigators believe.

Meese also was said to have played a role in the secret government, investigators now believe, but his role is less clear.

Meese sometimes referred private American citizens to the NSC so they could be screened and contacted for soliciting support for the Nicaraguan contras.

One of those supporters, Philip Mabry of Fort Worth, told The Herald earlier this year that in 1983 he was told by fellow conservatives in Texas to contact Meese, then White House counselor, if he wanted to help the contras. After he contacted Meese's office, Mabry received a letter from Meese obtained by The Herald advising him that his name had been given to the "appropriate people."

Shortly thereafter, Mabry said, a woman who identified herself as Meese's secretary gave him the name and phone number of another NSC secretary who, in turn, gave him North and his secretary, Fawn Hall, as contacts.

Meese's Justice Department spokesman, Patrick Korten, denies that Meese was part of North's secret contra supply network and notes that Meese does not recall having referred anyone to North on contra-related matters.

In addition to North's role as contra commander and fund-raiser, North became secret overseer of the State Department's Office of Public Diplomacy, through which the Reagan administration disseminated information that cast Nicaragua as a threat to its neighbors and the United States.

An intelligence source familiar with North's relationship with that office said North was directly involved in many of the best publicized news leaks, including the Nov. 4, 1984, Election Day announcement that Soviet-made MiG jet fighters were on their way to Nicaragua.

McFarlane is now believed to have been the senior administration official who told reporters that the Soviet cargo ship Bakuriani, en route to Nicaragua from a Soviet Black Sea port, was probably carrying MiGs.

The intelligence official said North apparently recommended that the information be leaked to the press on Election Day so it would reach millions of people watching election results. CBS and NBC broadcast the report that night.

CLARK HAD KEY ROLE

The leak led to a new clash between the regular bureaucracy and the president's advisers. The official State Department spokesman, John Hughes, tried hard to play down the report, pointing out that it was unproven that the Bakuriani was carrying MiGs. At the same time, employees of the Office of Public Diplomacy, acting under North's direction, insisted that the crates were inside the ship and that MiGs were still a possibility.

To take a closer look, the source said, North requested a high-flying SR-71 Blackbird spy aircraft be sent from Beale Air Force Base near Sacramento, Calif., to fly over the Nicaraguan port of Corinto while the Bakuriani unloaded its cargo. The pictures showed that the Bakuriani unloaded helicopters, not MiGs.

North was not the only adviser who operated outside traditional government channels, investigators have concluded.

Others were known as the RIGLET, a semi-official unit made up of North; Alan Fiers, a CIA Central American affairs officer; and Elliott Abrams, the current assistant secretary of state for inter-American affairs, according to Abrams' subordinate Richard Melton. Melton revealed the existence of the RIGLET in a deposition given to the Iran- contra committees. The name is a diminutive for RIG, which stands for Restricted Interagency Group.

Among the RIGLET's actions was ordering the U.S. ambassador to Costa Rica, Lewis Tambs, to assist the contras in setting up a front in southern Nicaragua. Tambs, who resigned suddenly last year after his links to North were revealed, testified about the instructions to Iran-contra investigators.

But perhaps the key to the parallel government was the role played by Reagan's second national security adviser, William Clark. It was during Clark's tenure that North began to gain influence in the NSC.

Clark also recruited several midlevel officers from the Pentagon and the CIA to work on a special Central American task force in 1983 to push aid for El Salvador, a task force member said.

"Judge Clark was the granddaddy of the system," he said. "I was working at the Pentagon on another issue when my boss said that because of special circumstances, I was to be reassigned to the task force."

A former administration official familiar with Clark's activities said Clark also had approved contacts between Vatican Ambassador Wilson and Libya before Wilson's November 1985 journey, which came after McFarlane replaced Clark at the NSC.

The former official said Wilson also had carried out secret missions for the Reagan administration in a Latin American country where Wilson reportedly maintained contacts with high-level officials. The source asked that the country not be identified because the system is still in place and had reduced tensions by circumventing the regular bureaucracies of both countries.

Calls to Wilson's and Clark's offices in California were not returned.

http://slaverevoltradio.blogspot.com/2006/09/reagan-aides-and-secret-government.html
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Fintan
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PostPosted: Fri Sep 29, 2006 10:35 pm    Post subject: COINTELPRO and the Movements of the 1960s Reply with quote

9/11 activists should learn the lessons from the past.
Good overview of COINTELPRO
Covers the Panthers also.

Quote:
How COINTELPRO Helped Destroy
the Movements of the 1960s


Since COINTELPRO was used mainly against the progressive movements of the 1960s, its impact can be grasped only in the context of the momentous social upheaval which shook the country during those years.

All across the United States, Black communities came alive with renewed political struggle. Most major cities experienced sustained, disciplined Black protest and massive ghetto uprisings. Black activists galvanized multi-racial rebellion among GIs, welfare mothers, students, and prisoners.

College campuses and high schools erupted in militant protest against the Vietnam War. A predominantly white New Left, inspired by the Black movement, fought for an end to U.S. intervention abroad and a more humane and cooperative way of life at home. By the late 1960s, deep-rooted resistance had revived among Chicanos, Puerto Ricans, Asian Americans, and Native Americans. A second wave of broad-based strugglefor women's liberation had also emerged, along with significant efforts by lesbians, gay men, and disabled people.

Millions of people in the United States began to reject the dominant ideology and culture. Thousands challenged basic U.S. political and economic institutions. For a brief moment, "the crucial mixture of people's confidence in the government and lack of confidence in themselves which allows the government to govern, the ruling class to rule...threatened to break down."

Originally motivated by goals of quick reforms, 1960s activists were ill-prepared for the long-term struggles in which they found themselves. Overly dependent on media-oriented superstars and one-shot dramatic actions, they failed to develop stable organizations, accountable leadership, and strategic perspective. Creatures of the culture they so despised, they often lacked the patience to sustain tedious grassroots work and painstaking analysis of actual social conditions. They found it hard to accept the slow, uneven pace of personal and political change.

This combination of circumstances, however, did not by itself guarantee political collapse. The achievements of the 1960s movements could have inspired optimism and provided a sense of the power to win other important struggles. The rightward shift of the major media could have enabled alternative newspapers, magazines, theater, film, and video to attract a broader audience and stable funding. The economic downturn of the early 1970s could have united Black militants, New Leftists, and workers in common struggle. Police brutality and government collusion in drug trafficking could have been exposed in ways that undermined support for the authorities and broadened the movements' backing.

By the close of the decade, many of the movements' internal weaknesses were starting to be addressed. Black-led multi-racial alliances, such as Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Poor People's Campaign and the Black Panthers' Rainbow Coalition, were forming. The movements' class base was broadening through Black "revolutionary unions" in auto and other industries, King's increasing focus on economic issues, the New Left's spread to community colleges, and the return of working-class GIs radicalized by their experience in Vietnam. At the same time, the women's movement was confronting the deep sexism which permeated 1960s activism, along with its corollaries: homophobia, sexual violence, militarism, competitiveness, and top-down decision-making.

While the problems of the 1960s movements were enormous, their strengths might have enabled them to overcome their weaknesses had the upsurge not been stifled before activists could learn from their mistakes. Much of the movements' inability to transcend their initial limitations and overcome adversity can be traced to COINTELPRO.

It was through COINTELPRO that the public image of Blacks and New Leftists was distorted to legitimize their arrest and imprisonment and scapegoat them as the cause of working people's problems. The FBI and police instigated violence and fabricated movement horrors. Dissidents were deliberately "criminalized" through false charges, frame-ups, and offensive, bogus leaflets and other materials published in their name. (Specific examples of these and other COINTELPRO operations are presented on pages 41-65.)

COINTELPRO enabled the FBI and police to exacerbate the movements' internal stresses until beleaguered activists turned on one another. Whites were pitted against Blacks, Blacks against Chicanos and Puerto Ricans, students against workers, workers against people on welfare, men against women, religious activists against atheists, Christians against Jews, Jews against Muslims. "Anonymous" accusations of infidelity ripped couples apart. Backers of women's and gay liberation were attacked as "dykes" or "faggots." Money was repeatedly stolen and precious equipment sabotaged to intensify pressure and sow suspicion and mistrust.

Otherwise manageable disagreements were inflamed by COINTELPRO until they erupted into hostile splits that shattered alliances, tore groups apart, and drove dedicated activists out of the movement. Government documents implicate the FBI and police in the bitter break-up of such pivotal groups as the Black Panther Party, SDS, and the Liberation News Service, and in the collapse of repeated efforts to form long-term coalitions across racial, class, and regional lines. While genuine political issues were often involved in these disputes, the outcome could have been different if government agencies had not covertly intervened to subvert compromise and fuel hostility and competition.

Finally, it was COINTELPRO that enabled the FBI and police to eliminate the leaders of mass movements without undermining the image of the United States as a democracy, complete with free speech and the rule of law. Charismatic orators and dynamic organizers were covertly attacked and "neutralized" before their skills could be transferred to others and stable structures established to carry on their work. Malcolm X was killed in a "factional dispute" which the FBI took credit for having "developed" in the Nation of Islam. Martin Luther King, Jr. was the target of an elaborate FBI plot to drive him to suicide and replace him "in his role of the leadership of the Negro people" with conservative Black lawyer Samuel Pierce (later named to Reagan's cabinet). Many have come to view King's eventual assassination (and Malcolm's as well) as itself a domestic covert operation.

Other prominent radicals faced similar attack when they began to develop broad followings and express anti-capitalist ideas. Some were portrayed as crooks, thugs, philanderers, or government agents, while others were physically threatened or assaulted until they abandoned their work. Still others were murdered under phony pretexts, such as "shootouts" in which the only shots were fired by the police.

To help bring down a major target, the FBI often combined these approaches in strategic sequence. Take the case of the "underground press," a network of some 400 radical weeklies and several national news services, which once boasted a combined readership of close to 30 million. In the late 1960s, government agents raided the offices of alternative newspapers across the country in purported pursuit of drugs and fugitives. In the process, they destroyed typewriters, cameras, printing presses, layout equipment, business records, and research files, and roughed up and jailed staffers on bogus charges. Meanwhile, the FBI was persuading record companies to withdraw lucrative advertising and arranging for printers, suppliers, and distributors to drop underground press accounts. With their already shaky operations in disarray, the papers and news services were easy targets for a final phase of COINTELPRO disruption. Forged correspondence, anonymous accusations, and infiltrators' manipulation provoked a flurry of wild charges and counter-charges that played a major role in bringing many of these promising endeavors to a premature end.

A similar pattern can be discerned from the history of the Black Panther Party. Brutal government attacks initially elicited broad support for this new, militant, highly visible national organization and its popular ten-point socialist program for Black self-determination. But the FBI's repressive onslaught severely weakened the Party, making it vulnerable to sophisticated FBI psychological warfare which so discredited and shattered it that few people today have any notion of the power and potential that the Panthers once represented.

What proved most devastating in all of this was the effective manipulation of the victims of COINTELPRO into blaming themselves. Since the FBI and police operated covertly, the horrors they engineered appeared to emanate from within the movements. Activists' trust in one another and in their collective power was subverted, and the hopes of a generation died, leaving a legacy of cynicism and despair which continues to haunt us today.....

THE DANGER WE FACE
Domestic Covert Action
Remains a Serious Threat Today


The public exposure of COINTELPRO and other government abuses elicited a flurry of apparent reform in the 1970s. President Nixon resigned in the face of impeachment. His Attorney General, other top aides, and many of the "plumbers" were prosecuted and imprisoned for brief periods. The CIA's director and counter-intelligence chief were ousted, and the CIA and the Army were again directed to cease covert operations against domestic targets.

The FBI had formally shut down COINTELPRO a few weeks after it was uncovered. As part of the general face-lift, the Bureau publicly apologized for COINTELPRO, and municipal governments began to disband the local police "red squads" that had served as the FBI's main accomplices. A new Attorney General notified several hundred activists that they had been victims of COINTELPRO and issued guidelines limiting future operations. Top FBI officials were indicted for ordering the burglary of activists' offices and homes; two were convicted, and several others retired or resigned. The Bureau's egomaniacal, crudely racist and sexist founder, J. Edgar Hoover, died in 1972. After two interim directors failed to stem the tide of criticism, a prestigious federal judge, William Webster, was appointed by President Carter to clean house and build a "new FBI."

Behind this public hoopla, however, the Bureau's war at home continued unabated. Domestic covert action did not end when it was exposed in the 1970s. It has persisted throughout the 1980s and become a permanent feature of U.S. government.....

LOTS MORE GOOD STUFF AT:

http://mediafilter.org/MFF/USDomCovOps1.html
and
http://mediafilter.org/MFF/USDCO.idx.html

ALSO CHECK OUT:

PsyWar

The Federal Bureau of Intimidation
Public Relationships: Hill & Knowlton, Robert Gray and the CIA
Tracking Covert Actions into the Future
US Domestic Covert Operations
Stealth TV: Right-Wing PoP TV
Pat Robertson's School

http://mediafilter.org/MFF/PsyWar.html
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